Many pressure groups (professional associations and trade unions) operated in Nigeria under the different military administrations in the country. But as it is generally known it is in the character of a military government to abridge the space of engagement for other groups that may be competing for influence in the country.
This is why in the early years of military regime in Nigeria when the major preoccupation of government was the preservation of the unity of the country, little or no opportunity was given for any that could claim competing allegiance of the citizens with the government, or distract its leaders from the pursuit of the national interest.
This was why apart from many professional groups that were mainly concerned with the immediate business and pecuniary interests of their members there was no central labour union with the bark and bite that could make it confront the military on political issues, such as the character and timing of the transition to civil rule programme. However, in the spirit of the plan to return power to the civilians the Obasanjo military administration lifted the ban placed on labour unions and their leaders in the country, and centralized their organisation under one umbrella body, the Nigeria Labour Congress (NLC).
During the Buhari’s regime the Nigeria Bar Association (NBA), the Nigeria Medical Association (NMA) and the Nigerian Union of Journalists (NUJ) found their voices against the collapse of public services, neglect of due process and repression and violation of human rights committed by agents of the regime. The Nigeria Bar Association barred its members from appearing before the Military Tribunals for the Recovery of Public Assets set up by the government to try public officials who ran the affairs of the country during the Second Republic. NBA’s position was that it was impossible to obtain justice in tribunals headed by military officers. However, the late Gani Fawehimi dissented from the mainstream position of the lawyers when he argued that the primary duty of a legal practitioner was to defend his client, no matter the circumstances.
The late Dr. Beko Ransome Kuti also gave bite to the Nigeria NMA when the association organized a strike action to press their demands, which included implementation of various agreements reached with the government on conditions of service and the reconstitution of the Nigerian Medical Council, among others. The government tried to break the strike action through propaganda but NMA’s leaders defied all threats by the government to ban it, or blandishments to divide its rank. The government responded to this defiance by proscribing the association, sacked the resident doctors from their jobs and detained its leaders, notably Thompson Akpabio, the President and Beko Ransome Kuti, its General Secretary.
During the Buhari’s regime the Nigeria Bar Association (NBA), the Nigeria Medical Association (NMA) and the Nigerian Union of Journalists (NUJ) found their voices against the collapse of public services, neglect of due process and repression and violation of human rights committed by agents of the regime. The Nigeria Bar Association barred its members from appearing before the Military Tribunals for the Recovery of Public Assets set up by the government to try public officials who ran the affairs of the country during the Second Republic. NBA’s position was that it was impossible to obtain justice in tribunals headed by military officers. However, the late Gani Fawehimi dissented from the mainstream position of the lawyers when he argued that the primary duty of a legal practitioner was to defend his client, no matter the circumstances.
The late Dr. Beko Ransome Kuti also gave bite to the Nigeria NMA when the association organized a strike action to press their demands, which included implementation of various agreements reached with the government on conditions of service and the reconstitution of the Nigerian Medical Council, among others. The government tried to break the strike action through propaganda but NMA’s leaders defied all threats by the government to ban it, or blandishments to divide its rank. The government responded to this defiance by proscribing the association, sacked the resident doctors from their jobs and detained its leaders, notably Thompson Akpabio, the President and Beko Ransome Kuti, its General Secretary.
Buhari’s Employment, Labour and Productivity Minister, Solomon Omojokun accused the NMA of disruptive tendencies, and added that its leadership has been hijacked by the ‘younger radicals’ while the olders ones are on the sidelines. Indeed we should add that Beko Ransome Kuti cut his teeth as a social crusader and human rights activist during this period, an engagement which he later pursued for the rest of his life, during which he engaged and confronted virtually all the subsequent governments in Nigeria, since 1985.
The NUJ was equally vociferous in its condemnation of the government over the conviction of two Guardian journalists under Decree No. 4 of 1984. Alhaji Bola Adedoja who was NUJ president during travails of Tunde Thompson and Nduka Iraboh articulated the role of the press as the guardian of the society’s conscience thus:
The press is not an enforcer of the law, but a monitor of the
performance of public officials. It is left for the enforcers to do their
job… The enforcers may refuse to do their job, but the press has to do
its own job.
The military administration of Ibrahim Babangida was also not comfortable with the idea of a militant pressure groups or trade unionisms. For this reason journalists were cowed and newspapers and broadcasting houses were shut down to stifle the voices through which pressure groups ventilated their grievances against the policies of the administration, especially the Structural Adjustment Programme (SAP). Until the NLC, NUPENG and PENGASSAN were banned by the Abacha military administration the three bodies along with other pro-democracy and civil society groups constituted themselves as the major opposition to the then military regime. Their leaders organized the various protests, civil disobedience public and demonstrations and mobilized the Nigerian peoples against the Abacha’ government. While the labour union pivoted the struggle at the home front the National Democratic Coalition led the agitations for the actualization of the June 12 mandate abroad. For their effrontery in challenging the Abacha’s government Comrade Frank Kokori of NUPENG and Milton Dabibi of PENGASSAN spent four and two years in detention respectively The NLC remained banned for over four years and was able to find its voice after the election in February 1999 of Comrade Adams Oshiomhole.
The NUJ was equally vociferous in its condemnation of the government over the conviction of two Guardian journalists under Decree No. 4 of 1984. Alhaji Bola Adedoja who was NUJ president during travails of Tunde Thompson and Nduka Iraboh articulated the role of the press as the guardian of the society’s conscience thus:
The press is not an enforcer of the law, but a monitor of the
performance of public officials. It is left for the enforcers to do their
job… The enforcers may refuse to do their job, but the press has to do
its own job.
The military administration of Ibrahim Babangida was also not comfortable with the idea of a militant pressure groups or trade unionisms. For this reason journalists were cowed and newspapers and broadcasting houses were shut down to stifle the voices through which pressure groups ventilated their grievances against the policies of the administration, especially the Structural Adjustment Programme (SAP). Until the NLC, NUPENG and PENGASSAN were banned by the Abacha military administration the three bodies along with other pro-democracy and civil society groups constituted themselves as the major opposition to the then military regime. Their leaders organized the various protests, civil disobedience public and demonstrations and mobilized the Nigerian peoples against the Abacha’ government. While the labour union pivoted the struggle at the home front the National Democratic Coalition led the agitations for the actualization of the June 12 mandate abroad. For their effrontery in challenging the Abacha’s government Comrade Frank Kokori of NUPENG and Milton Dabibi of PENGASSAN spent four and two years in detention respectively The NLC remained banned for over four years and was able to find its voice after the election in February 1999 of Comrade Adams Oshiomhole.
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